-15-

JANUARY

                              
 14, 1766 --England. The king has acquainted Parliament that “matters of importance have happened in America, and orders been issued for the support of lawful authority.” “Whatever remained to be done, he committed to their wisdom.”
      The Lords in their reply, which was moved by the Earl of Dartmouth, pledged their “utmost endeavors to assert and support the king’s dignity, and the legislative authority of the kingdom over its colonies.” The friends of the king and of the late ministry willingly agreed to words that seemed to imply the purpose of enforcing the stamp act.
      The meeting of the House of Commons was very full. The address submitted for their adoption was of no marked character, yet the speeches of the members who proposed it indicated the willingness of the administration to repeal the American tax. In the course of a long debate, the elder William Pitt entered most unexpectedly, having arrived in town that morning.
The adherents of the late ministry took great offence at the tenderness of expression respecting America. Nugent, particularly, insisted that the honor and dignity of the kingdom obliged them to compel the execution of the stamp act, except the right was acknowledged and the repeal solicited as a favor. He expostulated on the ingratitude of the colonies. He computed the expense of the troops employed in America for, what he called, its defense at ninepence in the pound of the British land-tax, while the stamp act would not raise a shilling a head on the inhabitants in America; “but,” he said, “a peppercorn, in acknowledgment of the right, is of more value than millions without.”
      The eyes of all the House are turned toward Mr. Pitt, as the venerable man rises in his place; and the Americans present in the gallery gaze upon him as their “angel, or their saviour.”

 

 

     “I approve the address in answer to the king’s speech; for it decides nothing, and leaves every member free to act as he will.” Such was his opening sarcasm. “The notice given to Parliament of the troubles was not early, and it ought to have been immediate.
     “I speak not with respect to parties. I stand up in this place single, unsolicited, and unconnected. As to the late ministry,” and he turned scornfully towards Mr. George Grenville, who sat within one of him, “every capital measure they have taken is entirely wrong. To the present ministry, to those, at least, whom I have in my eye,” looking at Mr. Henry Conway and the lords of the treasury, “I have no objection. Their characters are fair. But pardon me, gentlemen. Youth is the season for credulity; confidence is a plant of slow growth in an aged bosom. By comparing events with each other, reasoning from effects to causes, methinks I discover the traces of overruling influences.” This he said referring to the Duke of Newcastle.
     “It is a long time,” he continued, “since I have attended in Parliament. When the resolution was taken in the House to tax America, I was ill in bed. If I could have endured to have been carried in my bed, so great was the agitation of my mind for the consequences, I would have solicited some kind hand to have laid me down on this floor, to have borne my testimony against it. It is now an act that has passed. I would speak with decency of every act of this House, but I must beg indulgence to speak of it with freedom. The subject of this debate is of greater importance than ever engaged the attention of this House, that subject only excepted, when nearly a century ago, it was a question whether you yourselves were to be bound or free. The manner in which this affair will he terminated with decide the judgment of posterity on the glory of this kingdom, and the wisdom of its government during the present reign.
     “As my health and life are so very infirm and precarious that I may not be able to attend on the day that may he fixed by the House for the consideration of America, I must now, though somewhat unseasonably, leaving the expediency of the stamp act to another time, speak to a point of infinite moment, I mean to the right. Some seem to have considered it a point of honor, and leave all measures of right and wrong, to follow a delusion that may lead us to destruction. On a question that may mortally wound the freedom of three millions of virtuous and brave subjects beyond the Atlantic Ocean, I cannot be silent. America, being neither really nor virtually represented in Westminster, cannot be held legally or constitutionally or reasonably subject to obedience to any money bill of this kingdom. The colonies are equally entitled with yourselves to all the natural rights of mankind and the peculiar privileges of Englishmen; equally bound by the laws, and equally participating of the constitution of this free country. The Americans are the sons, not the bastards of England. As subjects, they are entitled to the common right of representation, and cannot he bound to pay taxes without their consent.
       “Taxation is no part of the governing power. The taxes are a voluntary gift and grant of the commons alone. In an American tax, what do we do? We, your majesty’s commons of Great Britain, give and grant to your majesty—what? Our own property? No. We give and grant to your majesty the property of your majesty’s commons in America. It is an absurdity in terms.


 

Previous   Next